WHAT DO MALAY VOTERS WANT – WILL DESIRE FOR PROGRESS OUTWEIGH RACIAL PARANOIA – ALL EYES ON THE MALAY PSYCHE AHEAD OF STATE POLLS

The Malay psyche

WHAT do Malay voters want?

The specifics of Malay political interests that dictate the community’s voting patterns have often been the object of speculation.

It is a popular topic to dissect because, as the country’s majority community, the Malay vote will likely chart Malaysia’s political trajectory not only at the federal level as seen in the 15th General Election last year, but also in the Aug 12 state polls.

As many political experts have said, Malay political interests largely reside along the aspects of race, religion and the royal institution, or as recently acronymised, the 3R. However, this is not as straightforward as generally perceived.

Political diversity

According to Universiti Teknologi Malaysia’s political analyst Dr Mazlan Ali, when it comes to political interests, Malays are split into three categories: the subjective Malay, the participative Malay, and the parochial Malay.

Based on locale, education and values, these three groups differ largely in their understanding of politics and its practicality in running a country.

Subsequently, Selangor urban Malays’ pick of political representatives will be based on the brand of ideals championed by the respective parties.

Subjective Malays are considered to be the most traditional, as they tend to favour the status quo, be it in maintaining the social contract or their position as the majority decision-maker.

This group will vote based on matters related to the 3R, and they form the majority of Malay voters at almost 70%, says Mazlan.

“The subjective Malays are usually faithful and loyal to their political parties. This group’s understanding of politics, or their political interests, remain tied to issues related to race, religion, and the royal institution.”

On the other hand, participative Malays usually reside in developed states and, more specifically, in urban areas where they are more exposed to a faster- paced lifestyle and brisk development.

“These Malays are more open-minded and generally have a higher education background. They dwell in cities and are well-travelled. At times, this segment does not prioritise the 3R as determining factors behind their political decisions,” Mazlan says.

As for parochial Malays, the analyst contends that this group’s political interests are often influenced by short-term gains as they are rarely concerned with the significance of issues, especially at the federal level.

“They do not care [about things happening outside their environment] but will only show political leanings upon engagement or being rewarded [in exchange for support].”

The 3R factor

As the subjective Malays form the largest group in Malay sociopolitics, the 3R factor will determine the general voting trend of the community.

“Although we have seen a change [in mindset] among the Malays who live in cities and suburbs, the majority of [the subjective] Malays are still holding strong to traditional values tied to the significance of race, religion and the royal institution.

“This is why the 3R are something that determine the direction of Malay politics,” Mazlan says.

He stresses that their political interests are aligned with political parties that champion 3R matters, including Umno and PAS.

Mazlan says that in the east coast states and some sections in the north of the peninsula, Malay political candidates who do not champion religious issues, for instance, will be rejected.

“That is why Perikatan Nasional and PAS are getting a chunk of the Malay votes. The same goes for Umno too, whose political objectives have always been centred on Malay interests, religion and royal institutions.”

Nevertheless, this does not mean Pakatan Harapan has neglected the 3R factors in its political cause.

“Pakatan parties fundamentally respect matters related to the 3R.

“But [as of now] they are training their eyes on other matters that have become the focus of participative Malays, such as resolving corruption, administration issues, and race relations.”

Mazlan says it is a situation reflected demographically, as seen in the electoral results in Kedah, Kelantan and Penang, for example.

But the question remains: Why is the urge to defend the 3R so strong among the Malays, especially the conservatives?

Unfounded insecurity?

The need to uphold traditional values, particularly among the conservative Malays, comes from a fear that their religious and cultural rights will likely be diminished otherwise.

Experts say that this worry, however, is primarily propagated by several political parties to maintain their bevy of supporters who have failed to grasp the effectiveness of the Federal Constitution in protecting the people’s rights.

“It is a fear that is unfounded and a belief not based on the realities of the world. It is an issue promoted by some political parties to maintain their vote bank.

“It is also a traditional fear, passed down by their forefathers for over 40 years,” says Universiti Malaysia Pahang social science expert Assoc Prof Dr Hasan Ahmad.

The decades-long belief is that they are the “hosts” of the country and that the economic success of other races are a threat to this particular group of Malays.

“The political influence concerning this matter remains. It is not exactly easy to understand why such Malays are still feeling this way, in this day and age.

“They need to realise that everyone is protected under the constitution,” Assoc Prof Hasan says.

Universiti Utara Malaysia’s political analyst Prof Dr Mohd Azizudin Mohd Sani, in explaining that such fear is maintained purely by propaganda, says any party which leads the country will have to abide by the Constitution.

“For example, when PAS claims that DAP is threatening Malay rights, people need to know that DAP too has to acknowledge and uphold the Federal Constitution.

“Look at the various provisions under the Constitution, including Article 153.”

Article 153(1) stipulates that it shall be the responsibility of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to safeguard the special position of the Malays and natives of any of the states of Sabah and Sarawak and the legitimate interests of other communities in accordance with the provisions of this Article.

“You have the Yang diPertuan Agong, as stated in the Constitution, to safeguard Malay rights. So this fear about losing them is unfounded.

“The Malays are never placed under threat,” says Prof Azizudin.

Bread and butter issues

With the ongoing concern about rights against the backdrop of a laggard economy, will the 3R issues play a big role in the six state elections?

Universiti Sains Malaysia’s political analyst Assoc Prof Dr Azmil Tayeb offers a differing view on what determines Malay political interests. The high cost of living, inflation and a slowing economy see the Malays looking into the aspects that directly affect their lives: “Bread and butter issues are still topping the list above all other interests,” Assoc Prof Azmil says.

When asked if such a change is only spurred by the current the economic situation, Assoc Prof Azmil points out that economic frustrations often get translated into ethnoreligious sentiments.

“By addressing economic inequality between ethnic groups and also within the Malay community, it can help to dilute the influence of race and religion in politics.”

His view echoes the findings of the Institute of Strategic Analysis and Policy Research (Insap), that Malays, especially, are doubtful of a positive economic revival.

Overall, Malays, along with other races, have voiced concerns about a possible increase in the price of goods in the coming months.

Assoc Prof Azmil says rural Malays are generally concerned with livelihood issues as they anticipate government programmes that can help to improve their lives.

“(Meanwhile, the) urban Malays are generally more focused on the overall cost of living and employment.”

ANN

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