BOMBSHELL – BAD NEWS FOR MALAYSIA – HAS THE BATTLE ALREADY BEEN LOST TO THE RADICALS – NEW DAWN OR FALSE DAWN NOW DEPENDS ON WHAT ‘TIN KOSONG’ ANWAR & ‘KERIS KOSONG’ ZAHID CAN DO – AS HADI & MUHYIDDIN LIGHT THE MALAY VOLCANO WITH LIES & HATE – DON’T FORGET ANWAR WAS MAHATHIR’S ACE RECRUIT TO COUNTER PAS RADICALISATION – ‘THE REAL IMPACT WAS WHEN UMNO BECAME FIXATED ON COMBATING PAS BY TRYING TO OUT-ISLAMISE THEM ON EVERYTHING. THE COUNTRY TOOK ON A HARSHER & MORE CONSERVATIVE VERSION OF ISLAM’ – BUT OF COURSE UMNO ONLY ENDED UP HELPING THE LEBAIs & KILLING THEMSELVES – DESPITE SPENDING BILLIONS ON RELIGION SECTOR INCLUDING TAHFIZ SCHOOLS – AND NOW, ‘CAESAR THINKS HE CAN HELP TO REVIVE ROME & MAKE IT A MORE POWERFUL ALLY. BUT THE FACT IS ROME HAS COLLAPSED. AGAIN THE NUMBERS DO NOT LIE’

Chow Kon Yeow. What Can I Say. You Made Your Bed. Now You Must Sleep In It.

1. Penang DAP unhappy
  • DAP national vice-chair Chow Kon Yeow disappointed  not one of 7 DAP MPs in Penang given full ministership
  • He said MPs from parties which won fewer seats made ministers.
  • “..this (Cabinet line-up) is not a balanced distribution
  • 4 DAP ministers fewer when compared to other parties
  • We are disappointed Penang DAP chief said
  • Within PH DAP won 40 seats, PKR 31, Amanah 8, Upko 2, Muda 1
  • Cabinet includes 8 PKR ministers (including PM), 4 DAP, 2 Amanah, 1 Upko
  • 6 Umno; 5 GPS (PBB, PRS, PDP) 1 GRS through Sabah Bersatu

 2. Sabah UMNO unhappy

 

  • Bung said Sabah BN won 2nd highest seats for coalition in GE15
  • Bung asked why none of its MPs from Sabah made ministers
  • despite him being one of first to back PH
  • not even one rep from Sabah BN in new Cabinet
  • compared to 5 S’wak ministers he said
  • 28-member Cabinet: Ewon Benedick (Upko), Armizan Ali (GRS-Bersatu) chosen
  • GPS : Fadillah, Alex Nanta Linggi, Tiong King Sing, Nancy Shukri, Aaron Dagang 
  • Bung pointed out Sabah BN won most seats (7) in Sabah 
  • followed by GRS (6), PH (5), Warisan (3), 2 independents, PN (1), KDM (1)
  • Sabah BN 2nd largest number of seats after Johor BN from 30 seats won by BN
  • BN component PBRS also echoed Bung, Sabah “biggest loser” in unity govt
  • PBRS president Joseph Kurup hoped Sabahans will not be sidelined by new govt
  • Cabinet comprises : PH (15) through PKR, DAP, Amanah, Upko; BN (6) through Umno; GPS (5) through PBB, PRS and PDP; and GRS (1) through Sabah Bersatu 

My Comments : 

UMNO did get a lion’s share with 7 Ministers including DPM, although UMNO won only 27 seats.

 Since 1995 UMNO has been going down. Look at the graph. The numbers do not lie. So why give UMNO SEVEN Cabinet positions (including DPM) when they won just 27 seats – their weakest performance since 1955?

Compared to say DAP who won 40 seats but were given only four Cabinet posts?

PKR won 31 seats but they have eight Cabinet posts, including prime minister.

Well UMNO getting SEVEN Cabinet posts will certainly strengthen the hand of the UMNO president who is facing party elections soon (but dont know exactly when). 

If Caesar loves Rome surely Rome will also love Caesar.

And my old friend Zambry Kadir (who lost in Lumut) has also been made a full Minister (Foreign Affairs).  Zambry too is a beloved of Caesar – from way back in the 20th century (1980s – 1990s).  

Certainly being made a full Minister strengthens Zambry’s chances at the coming UMNO elections as well. I am guessing that Zambry Kadir can easily go for UMNO deputy president. Whether he will or not remains to be seen but watch out Tok Mat and H2O.  

Caesar could use powerful friends in Rome. Perhaps Caesar thinks he can help to revive Rome and make it a more powerful ally. But the fact is Rome has collapsed. Again the numbers do not lie.  – http://syedsoutsidethebox.blogspot.com/

A new political era, or another false dawn?

So we have seen another political dawn in Malaysia, with another not-so-new political alliance taking over. Given how vicious local politics is, we can’t say whether this dawn will be the beginning of a day of calm or of turmoil. The stakes are high, and the smart money wouldn’t be on calm.

Regardless of whoever’s in charge in Putrajaya, we remain a nation full of cracks and fissures. The noxious politics of our politicians, in bringing us to this point, also made them very powerful and formidable adversaries who won’t give up easily.

The recent elections saw the Malay- and Muslim- based parties PAS and Bersatu making ground, and benefiting from a surprisingly strong support from the young voters. The idea that the young care more about the future is perhaps too simplistic – many of them fear it instead, as shown by their choices.

The venerable Barisan Nasional coalition and especially its main component party Umno fared poorly. Umno has basically turned BN into an Umno doormat; when BN collapses, that rug is pulled from under Umno’s feet too.

BN put up its worst ever performance at a general election, surprising given how well they did in recent state elections in Melaka and Johor. There were expectations that they would dominate GE15, and that was a key motivation for them to push for early elections to capitalise on their apparent momentum.

That obviously didn’t quite work out.

I grew up in an Umno family in a kampung in Penang. Umno then was viewed with reverence – as a saviour and not just another political party. They were critical contributors to our country’s early success, though inheriting a well-functioning democracy and economy helped too.

Starting at the beginning

We didn’t have to fight a war for independence, and didn’t have to rebuild anything. We had a lot going for us, but we did have one major problem – fragile relations among the three main ethnic groups.

In general, the Malays mostly lived in the rural areas, the Chinese in towns and cities, and the Indians worked in the plantations and as traders. The Bornean side of Malaysia was also very much like this.

However, even in Penang, then the most developed state in the country, I still grew up with no electricity or running water, and nobody from my village had ever attended a university – until I did, decades later. There’s a wide divide between those of us in the boondocks and those in the urban areas.

(Read about my kampung here and here.)

My kampung was (and remains) multi-racial, populated by farmers and fishermen and a small number of those who “makan gaji”, the salaried workers. The Bayan Lepas Free Trade Zone industrial park, which would later bring much employment and prosperity, was still years away.

No so grand old days

Life was hard. Every once in a while somebody would fall off a tree and die, or go off to sea and not come back, or succumb to diseases such as malaria or cholera. You would have reached a ripe old age if you made it to your 50s.

My mother’s dream for me was to have a salaried job – any job with a regular monthly pay cheque and not one subject to the vagaries of the sea or the land. A bank clerk would’ve been great, or a teacher, or even an “office boy”.

The people of different races didn’t mix, but were generally civil with each other. If you are a fisherman, it’s good to be on good terms with other fishermen, regardless of race. Same for a farmer, or those in any of the many hard ways we then had to make a living. We shared one thing in common – poverty.

Many now wax lyrical about how great life was then, how we never cared about race, religion, colour or creed, and how we visited each other’s houses and ate each other’s food and showed tremendous respect on whether to serve pork or beef.

That was true… but only for some.

Stuck in their own silos

Most kampung Malays hardly knew anybody of other racial groups. Most of the urban Chinese didn’t know many Malays, and if at all only as customers of their businesses. Many Chinese then were early-generation migrants, only able, or willing, to speak in their mother tongues.

Life in the kampungs then, often without any basic utilities or even schools, bred envy and also resentment against the more privileged multi-racial places like Penang or Kuala Lumpur, which might as well be London or New York given how remote they were in geography, and also in culture.

So, many Malays lived in their rural enclaves, whilst many Chinese lived in their own urban ones. The Indians tried as best as they could to survive in the tight spaces between the two major communities, an ordeal that gave them their own special brand of paranoia.

When we became independent in 1957, the Chinese population actually outnumbered that of the Malays. There were real fears about the Malays being swamped by the faster-growing Chinese population. That, of course, didn’t happen, but the fears were real enough.

No melting pot

So, were the stories about everybody living happily with each other myths? Not all. There were the developed and more prosperous urban conurbations with good schools, businesses and civic facilities, where the different communities overlapped.

The more liberal Malays and non-Malays there often mixed well, even if religious sensibilities prevented full assimilation. Elsewhere, however, Malays went to Malay or Arabic schools, and large numbers of Chinese went to Chinese schools and followed a parallel educational system, at times all the way to universities in Taiwan.

These Chinese schools were certainly effective in producing young people with strong discipline and a mercantile mind. They contributed massively to our economic prosperity, but, like the Malay or Arabic schools, they didn’t help with our integration.

Education as a political tool

Over time, the nation’s education system became a political tool. There was a downplaying of English in the name of nationalism, and school education became more inwardly focused, as many oldies would happily point out comparing the syllabi of schools then and now.

The Chinese vernacular schools, too, became more isolated and parochial, where within their walls Mother China remained lock, stock and Confucian work ethics barrel. Many Malays looked towards the Middle East for guidance, and assumed, not always wrongly, that non-Malays looked to their own mother countries for the same.

The Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) came out of the jungles after World War 2 bent on setting up a communist state. There was an armed conflict euphemistically called the Emergency, where the China-supported and Chinese-led communist insurrection furthered the belief held by many Malays that the Chinese were about to take over the country.

This explains why, even now, decades after communism collapsed, and where such political philosophies aren’t even taught in schools or are in the news often, you’d still hear about it being thrown at political opponents.

The real impact however was when Umno became fixated on combating PAS by trying to out-Islamise them on everything. The country took on a harsher and more conservative version of Islam, and many Malay political parties, Umno included, went overboard with their zeal.

For this, the Prime Minister then, Dr Mahathir Mohamed, and even the current one, Anwar Ibrahim, have much to answer for.   FMT

Spewing hate for ‘likes’

The writer says Malay-centric parties in the opposition would do the Malays a great service if they would spend much time outlining their policies and plans to help uplift the socio-economic status of the majority of the Malays they purportedly champion, so the community is able hold its collective head high.

THE decree issued recently by the Conference of Rulers to prohibit political leaders from stoking racial and religious sentiments suggests that such dangerous expressions have reached a worrying level in the country.

Certain politicians had indulged in hate speeches as well as lies in a calculated attempt to gain support from the electorate, particularly people of “our kind”, in the run-up to polling day.  

It is troubling because, even after the general election, such aspersions cast against the others still continue unabated by people who are disgruntled by the outcome.

Politicians, particularly those in Pakatan Harapan, were accused of being communist, immoral, Jewish agents and promoting Islamophobia, at a rate as if freedom of expression has no bounds and does not require accountability.

It is politically significant that DAP supremo Lim Kit Siang has even suggested that the government form a commission of inquiry to look into the allegation particularly by PAS that the Chinese-based party is Islamophobic. DAP has been the convenient punching bag of Malay-centric politicians over the years.

And there were a few video clips that essentially warned Malays to be vigilant because non-Malays allegedly were bent on usurping Malay special privileges and stifling Islam.

As if to reinforce this supposed looming threat, a year-old video clip, among others, made its rounds on social media showing DAP’s Nga Kor Ming making a controversial suggestion that Malaysians born after Merdeka should be accorded Bumiputera status.

The video obviously was aimed to spook certain quarters in the Malay community, especially those who already possess a siege mentality as well as people who understandably feel that it is a sensitive issue.

This is despite Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s assurance that the special position of the Malays and Bumiputera, Malay as the national language and Islam as the country’s official religion are well protected and entrenched.

It is feared that this kind of negative incitement would further drive a wedge in an already divided nation, a problem that is expected to be addressed by the Anwar administration said to be inclusive in its worldview and to have the resolve to put the economy back on track.

Hence, it is politically welcoming that at this juncture the Council of Churches and Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia intervened and separately called for a stop to such kinds of dangerous narrative, and at the same time welcoming the rulers’ decree.

It is unfortunate, though, that to date support for the royal decree has yet to come from the ulama fraternity.

Fear and suspicion haunt some members of our multiethnic and multireligious society, eroding goodwill and solidarity built upon over the years.

We have come to such a point that, for example, there appears to be a dire need to show that there is indeed a Bumiputera majority in the composition of MPs that support the “unity government”.

This is to allay the nagging fear of some Malays about a government being dominated by non-Malays, which partly explains why the Malay-centric opposition has gained much ground in the Malay heartland.

Incidentally, it would baffle foreign observers, to see the irony of a majority community, which claims to have racial supremacy, exhibiting a sense of insecurity that could, in turn, belittle its collective dignity.

Malay-centric parties in the opposition would do the Malays a great service if they would spend much time outlining their policies and plans to help uplift the socio-economic status of the majority of the Malays they purportedly champion, so the community is able hold its collective head high.

In a period where social media often become purveyors of hate, lies and dark designs, there is one video clip that is worth watching. It may not fully explain the complexities of our political culture, but it nonetheless helps to shed some light.

Using an analogy, American writer-humourist Mark Twain was credited as saying, “If you collect 100 black ants and 100 fire ants and put them in a jar, nothing will happen.

“But if you take the jar, shake it violently and leave it on a table, the ants will start killing each other.

“Red believes the black is the enemy, while black believes the red is the enemy – when the real enemy is the person who shook the jar.” – TMI

-http://syedsoutsidethebox.blogspot.com/ FREE MALAYSIA TODAY / THE MALAYSIAN INSIGHT

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