IN suing Sarawak Report’s Clare Rewcastle-Brown for libel in the High Court in London, PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang wants to stub out the allegation that he received a massive bribe from Prime Minister Najib Razak to compromise the Islamic party’s independence.
Hadi will rely on a number of Malaysians living in England to support his assertion that his reputation was seriously damaged in England and Wales.
* Raja Petra Raja Kamarudin, blogger. He has been a resident in the UK since 2009.
Being a witness, RPK can be cross-examined on a whole range of matters, including his sworn statutory declaration (even if he later contradicted it) and his story on the commissions paid by DCNS on the Malaysian Scorpene submarine deal.
These matters can be brought up in a variety of way, but suffice to say that these are likely to be the main event (even if not the main issue).
My informer states that Acting Colonel Aziz Buyong was the person who placed the C4 on various parts of Altantuya’s body while being witnessed by Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor and Norhayati.
An aide to Najib Abdul Razak also said they were aware of this latest claim made by Raja Petra, who also runs the ‘Malaysia Today’ website.
“At the moment, we are looking into it. This is a very mind-boggling statutory declaration,” said the aide when contacted.
The latest allegation hurled at Rosmah Mansor was made by well-known blogger Raja Petra Kamarudin via a statutory declaration (below) signed at the Kuala Lumpur High Court on Wednesday.
The aide however refused to comment if any action could be taken against Raja Petra.
Najib and Rosmah have repeatedly denied they are linked to the killing of Altantuya, describing the widely-known allegations was nothing more than ‘slander and concocted stories’.
In his latest bombshell, Raja Petra accused Rosmah as among three individuals who were present when Altantuya was murdered on October 19, 2006.
“I have been reliably informed that between about 10pm on October 19, 2006 and early hours of the following day, the night Altantuya Shaariibuu was murdered, three other people were also present at the scene of crime,” he said, according to his two-page statutory declaration.
He named the two other individuals as one acting colonel Aziz Buyong, who is described as ‘a C4 expert’ and the latter’s wife, known only as Norhayati, who is also said to be Rosmah’s aide de camp.
‘A crime not to reveal’
Altantuya’s body is alleged to have been blown up with C4 explosives at a secondary forest in Puncak Alam, Shah Alam. The murder trial is currently ongoing at the Shah Alam High Court.
“My informer states that Aziz was the person who placed the C4 on various parts of Altantuya’s body witnessed by Rosmah and Norhayati,” Raja Petra claimed in the document.
“I make this statutory declaration because I have been reliably informed about the involvement of these three people who have thus far not been implicated in the murder nor called as witnesses by the prosecution in the ongoing trial at the Shah Alam High Court.
“I also make this statutory declaration because I am aware that it is a crime not to reveal evidence that may help the police in its investigation of the crime,” read the document, which was first posted on the bigdogdotcom blog run by another blogger.
Raja Petra, contacted by Malaysiakini, has confirmed the content of the document.
He further alleged that he has also been ‘reliably informed’ that Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi knows of Najib’s (right) wife alleged involvement.
“[…] Abdullah has received a written report from military intelligence confirming what I have revealed and this report was subsequently handed over to his son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin for safekeeping,” he said.
Apart from Abdullah and Khairy, Raja Petra claimed “one of the (Malay) Rulers” has also been briefed about the matter and is fully aware of the allegation.
He said he has agreed not to reveal their names other than mention that the prime minister and his son-in-law have been given a copy of the military intelligence’s report.
Police inaction over report
“The purpose of this statutory declaration is to urge all these parties who have been duly informed and have knowledge of this matter to come forward to reveal the truth so that the police are able to conduct a proper and thorough investigation into the murder of Altantuya.
“And I make this solemn declaration conscientiously believing the same to be true and by virtue of the provisions of the Statutory Declaration Act, 1960,” he said in his declaration.
In the phone interview, Raja Petra explained why he did not lodge a police report on the latest allegation which could lead to a fresh police probe on the Altantuya (left) murder.
The blogger said since there was no action over a police report he had lodged in a separate case in 2001 when he was allegedly beaten up by a high-ranking policeman, “I am not bothered in making a police report”.
When asked why the document was posted elsewhere instead of his own ‘Malaysia Today’ site, he retorted: “Why must it be published on my site?”
Raja Petra was called in for police questioning early last month over an article titled ‘Let’s send the Altantuya murderers to hell’ in which he implicated Najib and Rosmah in the high-profile murder case.
A close aide to Najib, political analyst Abdul Razak Baginda and two police special operations force personnel have been charged with the murder of the Mongolian national.
All three have pleaded not guilty for the ongoing trial. They face the death sentence should they be found guilty. (MALAYSIAKINI.COM)
I, RAJA PETRA BIN RAJA KAMARUDIN (IC No: 500927-71-5257), a Malaysian citizen of legal age residing at No. 5, Jalan BRP 5/5, BuKit Rahman Putra, 47000 Sungai Buloh, Selangor Darul Ehsan, do solemnly and sincerely affirm and say as follows:-
by the abovenamed RAJA PETRA BIN RAJA KAMARUDIN )
at Makhamah Tinggi Kuala Lumpur )
this 18th day of June 2008 )
The Deputy Minister of Defence lied to the Malaysian Parliament when he said the commission was paid by the French
According to sources cited by the plaintiffs, it was not the company Armaris that paid 114 million euros to Perimekar, but rather the Malaysian government, “with the sole purpose of circumventing the OECD Convention.”
Translated from: Sous-marins malaisiens : la piste des rétrocommissions se précise
In the string of “suspicions over corruption relating to arms deals” a new case is about to join those that followed the sale of frigates to Taiwan and submarines to Pakistan: French submarines sold to Malaysia.
Further legal action is due to be initiated in the next few days, with Suaram, a Malaysian NGO dedicated to the fight against corruption and member of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), applying to join proceedings as a civil party, which already applied for a judicial review in November 2009.
Suaram would thereby have access to the details of the investigation, which is also a way to force the prosecution service to contact an examining magistrate, the last step before a trial that could last for years.
As was the case for contracts won by the DCN for submarines to Pakistan and frigates to Taiwan, there are increasing suspicions of retrocommissions to French political parties (See following graph). This case concerns the sale of two Scorpène submarines and an Agosta submarine to the Malaysian government. A contract worth approximately one billion euros, that was signed in 2002 with the Malaysian DCNS (former DCN, Department of Naval Construction) and Thalès.
A model’s body blown up with explosives
Sex, murder, bribery, and suspicions rocommissions: the cocktail is explosive. It all started with the 2006 murder of Altantuya Shaaribu, a young model, interpreter and also an intermediary in this contract. Her body was found in the Malaysian jungle after being blown apart with explosives.
The young woman appears to have been assassinated for having loudly demanded her share of the commission in an arms deal, in which the other parties involved were her lover, Abdul Razak Baginda, a friend and adviser of the other person involved, Rajib Nazak, then Malaysia’s Minister of Defence and now the country’s prime minister.
However, this shady affair hides another, which the French courts took note of. In December 2009, Suaram filed an initial suit against X at the Paris court for “active and passive corruption, trading of favours and abuse of corporate assets”.
The state prosecutor Jean-Claude Marin then opened a preliminary investigation.
At the time, it was suspected that a bribe of 114 million euros had been paid by the company Armaris (a subsidiary of DCNI and Thalès) to the Prime Minister Najib Razak and his entourage, through the company Perimekar.
This company, which was officially established to “coordinate” the sale of the three submarines, had Abdul Razak Baginda’s wife as its majority shareholder.
France in violation because of the OECD Convention
However, in the suit filed in December 2009, the plaintiffs argued, that in light of the way the company operated:
“There is no doubt that this legal entity [Perimekar] was created with a single goal: to organise the payment of commission and distribute the amount amongst the different beneficiaries – Malaysian officials and/or Malaysian or foreign intermediaries.”
However, this contract was signed after the OECD Convention came into force in France in 2000, which punishes corruption of foreign public officials with ten years’ imprisonment and a 150,000 euro fine. Following this complaint, a preliminary investigation was conducted by prosecution: the hearings were made and searches were made at the premises of DCNS and Thalès.
Revealed in September 2008, the note books of Gérard-Philippe Menayas, former chief financial officer ofthe DCN, who was indicted in the Karachi Case, also confirm the suspicions of hidden commissions. In his memorandum (PDF), Menayas mentioned the Malaysian submarine contract as follows:
“Since the entry into force of the OECD Convention regarding the fight against corruption in September 2000, only two contracts have been signed; the first with India, and the second with Malaysia in 2002. These two contracts are the result of commercial actions undertaken prior to the OECD Convention. Furthermore, they are both suspected of non-compliance with this Convention. I have evidence to support this”.
At the time of the contract’s signature Alain Richard was the Minister of Defence, in Lionel Jospin’s government (socialist party).
Three commissions instead of one for the sale of submarines
With the forthcoming indictment, and the revival of this case, new items have been contributed to the case by the plaintiffs.
First, according to sources cited by the plaintiffs, it was not the company Armaris that paid 114 million euros to Perimekar, but rather the Malaysian government, “with the sole purpose of circumventing the OECD Convention.”
This is a true revelation, while the Malaysian Minister of Defence ended up “confessing” to the payments made by foreign companies to Perimekar …
Where did this money go? Were there retrocommissions to French politicians?
Secondly, there does not appear to have been a single commission, but rather three. In addition to that of114 million euros, there are two further instalments:
• one paid by the DCNI to the commercial networks of Thalès, for over 30 million euros, corresponding to “commercial fees relating to the negotiation and execution of the contract”;
• the other for 2.5 million euros.
However, according to Gerard Philippe Menayas:
“Until the OECD Convention against corruption came into force in France, no contract for the sale ofdefence equipment to an emerging country could take place without the payment of commissions to policy makers (euphemistically called “commercial fees for exports” or “FCE”).”
The second commission was paid by Thalès to a recipient, who remains unknown, in order to convince the Malaysian government of the need to conduct additional work.
Finally, according to the complaint filed by the firm Bourdon, Suaram’s lawyer, the company Gifen, which was established by Jean-Marie Boivin in Malta, intervened in the negotiations “so as to facilitate the money transfers in this case”, and particularly finance the trips of Baginda and Altantuya.
The “catch” is that Jean-Marie Boivin is also cited in the Karachi case… for his role in the system for supplying slush funds to political parties. – http://www.malaysia-today.net/mtcolumns/guest-columnists/39450-malaysian-submarines-the-trail-of-retrocommissions-is-becoming-clearer